Tim Farron went all out in favour of the equality motion and Amendment 2, putting his authority on the line when it wasn't clear at the start of conference whether he would be successful.
Lib Dem party leaders have traditionally shied away from 'interfering' in federal party business matters at conference, for fear of upsetting the myriad of committees and structures that jealously guard their 'independence' from the leadership.
Farron made a point of coming to both the Ethnic Minority Liberal Democrats and Women's Liberal Democrats fringe meetings to argue his case. He made a particular point of backing Amendment 2 as well, which acknowledged the need to not exclude BAME members from diversity.
But on the issue of diversity, it was clear that it needed an extra push from the top to nudge the debate and result in the right direction.
2. LibDemVoice can make a difference on diversity
The main party grassroots website has, in the past, at certain times resembled a bar of angry white men who furiously type away their distain of diversity, although in fairness that caused by the threads under articles rather than the site itself.
However, on the diversity motion, LibDemVoice exceeded itself in promoting the case for the motion, as well as giving voice to the sceptics. We saw a reasoned and balanced debate, and very little antagonism with BAME contributors being respected for raising issue of race.
It feels like a corner has been turned. Long may it continue.
3. The champions of the diversity motion were magnanimous in accepting that the motion needed improving to benefit BAME's
I was of the firm view from the start that the motion was written for the benefit of boosting gender representation, and the defence that the law didn't allow all-BAME shortlists was weak and betrayed a lack of understanding about what the Equality Act allows.
To their credit, the architects of the motion were open to accepting that their motion wasn't perfect, and backed Amendment 2 - written by Gareth Epps and EMLD vice-chair Glanville Williams - to strengthen it for BAME members.
Women in the party deserve credit for accepting this and backing our amendment.
4. There is still work to be done to prevent BAME representation being viewed entirely through the lense of gender
It is clear that many white women in the party still do not yet 'get' the basic principles of BAME representation, and choose to view the issues through their own lense of gender representation, as a bolt-on to the cause of achieving women MPs.
The argument that BAME representation has to come from BAME women alone offends every principle of the cause of BAME politics, which has always valued both black men and women. Not all BAME activists have done enough to promote and back our sistas.
But Diane Abbott would no doubt say that while parliament needs black women to promote the perspectives unique to black women - double discrimination in many cases - nevertheless parliament without black men is lacking something crucial.
Black men face their own set of prejudices from white people - male and female - and are strongest in fighting it when they are doing so alongside black women.
Perspectives on tackling the crisis in black masculinity, being a role model for black boys, and the pressures and prejudices black men face requires black men to be heard. Suggestions that this is somehow excluding black women is insulting, especially as the only people making those suggestions are white.
The BAME men and women must stay together, not least because intersectional issues have not disappeared simply because this motion and amendment 2 were passed.
None of the great black female activists I know and admire would want black men to be excluded. Indeed the sistas are the strength that keeps the brothas going in hard times, and vice versa.
I fully expect some white women to be offended by this. But hopefully once the outrage has subsided the thinking and understanding can begin. Learning is sometimes painful, which is why the party needs people such as myself who are not seeking preferment or patronage so can therefore say what needs to be said.
5. The party has not grasped how much work lies ahead
Too much of the diversity motion debate sought to promote the case as a silver bullet, with too little mention of the hard work that lies ahead should the motion be passed (which it now has).
I understand the desire to just get the motion passed, and at one point it was looking touch-and-go, but we now need to turn our attention to how the various measures will be implemented to benefit BAME members to the extent that was intended.
Party HQ does not have the expertise on race. Nor, indeed, do many of the motion's backers. It will need equal partnership from expertise inside and outside the party at every stage.
6. Liberal Youth need to think strategically
Most of the opposition to the diversity motion came from Liberal Youth, just as it did in 2010 when a wrecking amendment (which should never have passed Federal Conference Committee) ripped the guts out of an Ethnic Minority Liberal Democrat diversity motion.
The reason why they failed this time was that their energy and enthusiasm was not backed by strategic thinking. Their principle argument was that the sexual harassment their members received meant we needed to tackle cultural issues rather than have all-women shortlists. The argument was completely illogical.
This confused thinking was surely the reason they didn't build a bigger alliance against the motion. If the leadership and LibDemVoice made the difference in pushing the diversity motion, equally Liberal Youth lost the case against by their ineptitude.
That said, they raised very serious issues about sexual harassment that need serious and urgent investigation.